Trump’s Davos hosts might abhor him — but he’s worth listening to
The revered US diplomat, Dean Acheson, once described his role as an architect of the post-World War II world in a blockbuster memoir titled "Present at the Creation."
President Donald Trump's appearance in the Swiss alpine town of Davos on Wednesday may leave his audience wondering if they are present at the destruction. Never before has a president crossed the Atlantic after threatening to seize a chunk of European sovereign territory against the wishes of its people. Trump's Greenland power grab may have already irreparably damaged NATO, the world's most successful military alliance. His disregard for values once shared with Europe, such as international law, risks another fracture. And US leaders rarely warm up for such trips by criticizing a British prime minister for "an act of great stupidity" or dissing a French president as a lame duck.
It's not just manners that are at stake. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent's mockery of Europe as weak over the weekend, and the White House's advocacy for replacing sitting governments with far-right extremist parties in national security strategies, are further examples of Trump's aggressive and confrontational approach. This shift in America's stance has bewildered many in Europe, who once regarded the United States as a liberator, protector, and partner. The question now is whether the United States is still a friend or becoming an enemy.
Trump's deadpan comment before leaving for the annual World Economic Forum on Tuesday, "I’m sure I’m very happily awaited," reflects the mixed emotions surrounding his visit.
Despite the possibility of a less-than-warm welcome in Davos, the glitzy haunt of corporate barons, liberal European leaders, commentators, and think-tankers, Trump's decision to attend makes political sense. As a populist outsider, he is once again braving the globalists' lair, this time to lecture them on the US being "the hottest nation" on Earth. His new national security strategy hints at rebuking the continent for nonwhite immigration, a topic that might surprise the Wall Street titans and hoity-toity Euro elites who spurned him when he was a vulgar real estate shark.
For a man who craves applause and dominance, this moment will be sweet. It might temporarily alleviate his resentment, displayed in a rambling White House news conference over voters' lack of appreciation for his second term. However, Trump's image as the champion of the American worker has been somewhat tarnished since his first storming of globalization's Super Bowl as president in 2018. He now spends time hobnobbing with new elites, such as AI tech bros and crypto pioneers.
Despite his economic arguments, Trump is losing ground to Democrats in a midterm election year. This may explain his trip to one of the least affordable places on Earth to talk about "affordability." The president is expected to urge reluctant bankers to cap credit card interest rates at 10%, a pre-midterm election talking point, and unveil plans to make housing more affordable. Europeans are struggling to understand what has happened under Trump's leadership.
Trump's return to the White House and his assault on progressive values, legal immigration, international law, and institutions have left many on the eastern side of the Atlantic bewildered. He had warned during the 2024 campaign that his second term would be disruptive, and his second inaugural address a year ago signaled a preference for protectionism and territorial acquisition over multinationalism. NATO, the United Nations, and the global economic system are institutions that many of Trump's supporters believe have failed them, and he has spent his political career undermining them.
Nicholas Burns, a former US ambassador to NATO and China, expressed America's abdication of its modern global role in an interview with CNN's Erin Burnett. He emphasized the core values of not living by the law of the jungle or Manifest Destiny of the 19th century, and the belief that the United States is not an imperial power. Trump's disregard for the United Nations charter and his threat to attack a close ally have raised concerns.
Despite the disdain of American allies for Trump's values, they would be wise to listen to him. Trump raises burning questions that many politicians dare not touch, and his proposed solutions, however controversial, spark important discussions.
Trump's immigration policies, while often draconian and racist, have brought attention to the issue of mass migration straining Western societies. This has led to every government in Europe grappling with the problem, fueling a wave of Trump-style populists. Trump's geopolitical questions, such as the transatlantic alliance, have opened up discussions about Europe's failure to equip itself for defense 80 years after World War II.
The bonds forged fighting communism have loosened 30 years later, and the American president does not even see the Kremlin as a common enemy. Ending the Greenland crisis would not fix the transatlantic schism.
Creative diplomacy could resolve the Greenland crisis, especially if Trump's maximalist position is a negotiating tactic. However, the EU's concession of a beneficial trade deal to Trump last year shows that under his leadership, a deal is never a deal, and the next crisis is always on the horizon.
Trump's presidency may be a blip, and a future president of either party might revive internationalism. However, his election twice suggests a lasting shift in political conditions within the US. A Democratic Party that shares Trump's populist economic instincts might also balk at financing Europe's defense. Christine Lagarde, president of the European Central Bank, acknowledged the need for Europe to prepare for a world without the old order.
The shift away from the United States has clearly begun. Canada spent last year reeling from Trump's demands, and Prime Minister Mark Carney traveled to China to thaw relations as a hedge against US hostility. Carney warned in Davos that the world was experiencing a "rupture, not a transition." He emphasized the era of great power rivalry and the fading of the rules-based order, where the strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must. Carney concluded that middle powers must act together to avoid being on the menu.
Some Western Hemisphere middle powers are spreading their bets. Four Mercosur nations, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay, signed a trade deal with the EU last week, covering 700 million people, after a quarter-century of negotiations. These efforts represent attempts to make sense of a world descending into disorder, accelerated by Trump's disruption.
In "Present at the Creation," Acheson, a former US secretary of state, drew a parallel between the creation of the world from chaos in the Book of Genesis and the challenge of creating a free half of the world without blowing the whole to pieces. Trump's withdrawal of America means its allies now face a similar challenge.
